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Bangkok holds a distinct place in urban history. The city grew from a traditional dynastic foundation in 1782 to the modern primate "megalopolis"of today, and did so outside the nexus of the typical "metropolitan-colonial" structure which existed elsewhere in Asia. We can trace Bangkok's growth through three phases: a royal fortified city based on tribute; a commercial port growing through trade and immigration; and an industrial urban center based on cheap labor. Crucial in the process were three factors: (1) Bangkok's role as a government center, (2) the overall growth of Thailand's population, and (3) the physical development of Bangkok from a city based on water (river and canals) to one based on land. Key periods of transformation occurred in two particular periods, roughly from 1890 to1920, and again from around 1960-1980s.

The paper focuses upon the origins of Bangkok's emergence as a leading Thai city from the early 19th century. A key theme is to account for the transformation of Bangkok from a port- city dominated by Chinese migrants to a manufacturing center based on cheap labor. It is suggested that demographic change from the 1950s transformed the economy from one where indigenous labor was relatively expensive to one where it was relatively cheap.

Scholars have assumed that Indonesian antisemitism is a case of "antisemitism without Jews"; that current anti-Jewish rhetoric is borrowed from Middle Eastern anti-Zionist propaganda. This viewpoint is limited. I analyze the history and role of the Jewish community during the period of Dutch colonialism in the East Indies. I assess the position of both Dutch and "oriental" Jews in the economic and social life of the colony, discussing the role of Zionism and imperial antisemitism, and paying particular attention to the interactions of the Jews and the "native" Indonesians. Indies Jewry cut across official colonial categories, with Dutch, Arab, Chinese, and even native congregants. The community maintained a Zionist newspaper, "Erets Israel," that was published from 1926 until the Japanese occupation. Jews met in the one synagogue in Surabaya, and held services in Masonic Lodges and Theosophical Halls (two other groups reviled by conspiracy theorists today). In post-Soeharto Indonesia there has been a revival of antisemitism, an effort to equate political "reformasi" and Zionism and then fury at American (and therefore Israeli) actions in the Middle East. I attempt to trace connections between antisemitic discourse and anti-minority violence in Indonesia generally, reading antisemitic discourse as a veiled substitution for more familiar bigotries outlawed publicly by Soeharto's SARA laws.

カトリック教会は世界のすべての信徒に、神を信じ神の定めた十戒や教会の掟を守りつつ天国での生を目指して生活することを説く。その一方で、世界各地のカトリック教徒らが、カトリックという宗教に求めるものや信徒としてのなすべき行いに関して何を強調しているかは、彼らの住む地域や置かれた状況によって様々である。

タイのカトリック教徒に関しては、山地民信徒の人類学的研究はあるものの、その多くが数世代に渡って信徒である平地に住む「タイ人」カトリック教徒の研究は殆どなされていない。本発表では、タイ東南部の「タイ人」カトリック教徒を取り上げ、来世に関る彼らの信仰・実践を明らかにする。

彼らの多くは、学校や市場などの生活空間を仏教徒と共有し、通婚によって仏教徒と親族関係を結んでいる。そのような環境の中で、カトリック教徒らは、仏教徒にとって重要な概念である「ブン（功徳）」や「バープ（悪い行い・罪）」「カム（業）」などを自己の信仰や実践を説明する際使用している。しかし、その意味するところは仏教徒のそれと類似する面もあれば異なる面もある。このような類似点や相違点を検討することによって、カトリック教徒内部での意見の多様性や、カトリック教徒と仏教徒に共通する規範や倫理観、さらには、カトリック教徒の信仰に影響を及ぼす社会的・宗教的権力関係などについて考察を試みたい。

The Workshop on Intellectual Discourses of Southeast Asian Studies (I) will bring together 10 to 12 intellectuals at a one-day meeting in Bangkok, Thailand, to discuss the present and future of Southeast Asian studies in the region. Participants will include representatives of different areas of expertise from academia, foundations, and cultural groups, with a balance sought between well-established and younger people. The workshop will begin an assessment that will continue in the participants’ home countries and intellectual communities. The objective of the process will be to generate: