アーカイブ

In the seminar I will present the findings from the fieldwork leading to my PhD, which I conducted in 1999-2000. In the fieldwork area, the Karen are attempting to remain subsistence oriented, growing rice for subsistence, raising cattle and collecting from the forest what they need to supplement their rice diet. On the other hand, the Hmong have enthusiastically made the transition to cash crop farming, almost completely abandoning the production of rice. I will argue that the different economic choices of the Karen and the Hmong are due to differences in the outlook, values, and intra-ethnic relationships that have evolved with their historical settlement pattern and economic activities in this region, rather than different opportunities in terms of access to credit, land, or market outlets.

*Claudio is a Visiting Project Researcher at CSEAS, and a JSPS post-doctoral fellow. He has conducted field research in Northern Thailand, comparing Hmong and Karen economic activities in the hills with which he wrote his Ph.D. dissertation in Geography at the National University of Singapore.

*Nathan (ASAFAS) is currently in the field, focusing on a watershed area inhabited by Hmong and Karen. He has also been working for ICRAF (International Center for Research in Agroforestry).

近年、タイ政府は、伝統医療を近代化させたものとされる「タイ式医療」なるものを制度化してきており、「タイ・マッサージ」を治療法の一つとして全国に普及しつつある。この動きには、世界保健機関(WHO)によるプライマリー・ヘルス・ケアの方針や、国内の医療従事者を中心とした「伝統医療復興運動」が影響している。

本発表では、このようなグローバルな動きに巻き込まれたチェンマイ県メーヂェーム郡の農村の事例をとりあげる。王室を中心とした「伝統」を基礎として生成され、都市中間層に「再評価」され、医療従事者の管理下で普及されているタイ・マッサージは、いかなる形で村人に普及され、受容されているのだろうか。また、受け入れられていない面があるとすればそれはなぜだろうか。

「古きよき北タイ農村」の表象とともに語られることの多いメーヂェーム郡では、医療従事者や研究者、NGO等によって「土着の知恵」を開発に活かしていこうとするプロジェクトが行われている。本発表では、その一環として行われたタイ・マッサージの研修や、調査村に作られた「民間医療センター」における活動について報告し、村人たちの属性や社会的背景に応じた複数の対応に加えて、それらの村人たちどうしの相互行為を考察する。そして、村人たちが状況に応じて実践様式を使い分けていることと、タイ・マッサージを採用する際にも村人の病因論や身体技法、社会関係の文脈に引き寄せていることを明らかにする。

This presentation explores the access of women in Sundanese community to agricultural land based on the bilateral kinship relation in an upland village. Having the equity gender values which is called sanak, the parents treat their son and daughter as having the same status between them, and this treatment causes the gender equality where both of women and men can access on land through equally grant and inheritance system based on customary law. This brought to the three categories of land ownership in the household level, husband solely, wife solely and land that owned together (gono-gini or tepung kaya). Of 98.29 ha total land surveyed that owned by peasants households, about 51 percent is in gono-gini or tepung -kaya category, and land owned by women solely and men solely are 21 percent and 28 percent respectively. The women access to and control over the land is also recognize by external legitimized authority in the village level as documented on the Leter C.